Last week’s decision by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to withdraw recognition for the David Mark-led National Working Committee (NWC) of the African Democratic Congress (ADC), in compliance with a Court of Appeal judgment, has once again exposed the fragility of Nigeria’s opposition politics.
Predictably, some voices have rushed to frame the development as part of a broader plot by the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) to weaken a potential challenger ahead of 2027. While such suspicions are not entirely unfounded in Nigeria’s political history, they risk obscuring a more uncomfortable truth: the ADC’s crisis is largely self-inflicted.
At the heart of the dispute are allegations of a breached power-sharing agreement involving key stakeholders within the party. According to accounts from party insiders, an understanding had been reached between legacy leaders and emerging blocs to distribute positions across geopolitical zones. That arrangement, however, appears to have collapsed under the weight of ambition, mistrust, and political miscalculation.
The sidelining of Nafiu Bala Gombe and the controversial emergence of Babachir David Lawal as National Vice Chairman (Northeast) reportedly triggered the chain of events that culminated in litigation. If indeed agreements were reached and subsequently ignored, then the fallout we are witnessing today is less about external sabotage and more about a failure of internal discipline.
This is not new. Nigerian political parties—especially those attempting to build coalitions—have historically struggled with managing elite expectations. The inability to honour informal agreements, or at least renegotiate them transparently, often leads to factionalisation. Once disputes enter the courts, as in the present case, they rarely end without lasting damage to party cohesion.
To be clear, it is possible that external actors, especially the APC, may seek to exploit these divisions. Politics, after all, is not played in a vacuum. The APC, like any ruling party, has a vested interest in a fragmented opposition as witnessed in the multiple crises that plagued the Labour Party (LP) and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). But exploitation is not the same as causation. The ADC opened the door to its current predicament; others may simply be walking through it.
Those drawing parallels with the events leading up to the formation of the APC in 2013 may have a point—but only partially. At the time, opposition forces demonstrated a remarkable capacity for unity in the face of institutional and political obstacles. Despite allegations involving the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and regulatory bottlenecks, the coalition that birthed the APC held together long enough to achieve its objective.
The ADC, by contrast, appears to be struggling to maintain even the minimum level of internal coherence required to function as a credible opposition platform. This raises a fundamental question: can a party that is unable to manage its own internal contradictions convincingly present itself as an alternative government?
Opposition politics is not merely about pointing out the failures of the incumbent. It requires organisation, discipline, and strategic communication. During the years leading up to 2015, figures like former spokesman of the APC and immediate past Minister of Information, Alhaji Lai Mohammed helped shape a relentless and coherent opposition narrative against the administration of Goodluck Jonathan and the then ruling party, PDP. Some labeled it as propaganda while others till date still refer to Lai as ‘Lie Mohammed’. Whether one agreed with that narrative or not, its consistency and clarity were undeniable and the APC was able to dislodge the PDP from the seat of power after 16 years in power. Today, the ADC has yet to demonstrate a comparable capacity.
At a time when many Nigerians are grappling with economic hardship, insecurity, and persistent challenges in the power sector, the space is wide open for a disciplined opposition to articulate an alternative vision. Instead, what the public sees is a party consumed by internal wrangling, legal battles, and competing egos.
If the ADC is serious about positioning itself as a viable challenger to Bola Tinubu in 2027, several urgent steps are required. The party must institutionalise its internal processes. Agreements—especially those involving power-sharing—should not be left to informal understandings that can be easily discarded. Clear, written frameworks and enforcement mechanisms are essential.
Also, conflict resolution structures within the party must be strengthened. Disputes are inevitable in any political organisation, but allowing them to escalate to the courts should be a last resort, not the default response.
The ADC must redefine its public messaging. Nigerians are less interested in who occupies which internal position than in how their lives can improve. A credible opposition must consistently engage with issues that matter to citizens—economic stability, security, infrastructure, and governance.
Its leadership within the party must demonstrate restraint and maturity. Public statements that belittle or alienate key stakeholders only deepen divisions and erode trust and finally, the ADC must recognise that credibility is earned, not assumed. It is not enough to benefit from public dissatisfaction with the ruling party; that dissatisfaction must be converted into confidence in an alternative. That process begins with internal cohesion.
By this time in 2014, the APC already had a clear vision about where it was going. The stakeholders wanted General Muhammadu Buhari as their presidential candidate. Many Nigerians also wanted him, even though they later regretted that choice, claiming they were scammed with the ‘change’ slogan. The APC allowed a free and fair presidential primaries rather than making Buhari a consensus candidate. Given the financial muscle of Atiku Abubakar and other aspirants then, APC stakeholders such as President Bola Tinubu, Rotimi Amaechi, Babatunde Fashola, Bukola Saraki and others pooled their resources together to support Buhari, and he won the primaries. I was live at the Teslim Balogun Stadium, where the primaries were held. If not for their support, Atiku would have clinched the ticket easily, as Buhari lacks the financial wherewithal to match him. We wait to see how the ADC scales this hurdle in the days ahead.
Looking ahead to 2027, it is tempting to predict a straight contest between the APC and ADC. The ruling party undoubtedly enjoys significant advantages, including incumbency and control of a majority of state governments. However, Nigerian political history also shows that incumbency is not invincible when confronted with a united and credible opposition.
I won’t be surprised if President Bola Tinubu is reelected for another term. I won’t also be unfazed if the opposition wins, given the abysmal performance of the president in fixing the power sector crisis, addressing insecurity challenges and other promises he made in the build-up to the 2023 elections. Whether the ADC can evolve into such an opposition remains an open question.
For now, the priority is clear: before accusing others of destabilisation, the party must first stabilise itself. It must put its house in order and lay a solid foundation on which to build its presidential dream. If there are no cracks in the wall, the lizard won’t be able to get in.
Akinsuyi, former group politics editor of the Daily Independent, writes from Abuja, Nigeria. He can be reached at [email protected]
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