In every democracy, opposition politics is not only legitimate; it is essential. Without a strong, vibrant and credible opposition, the ruling party risks complacency, arrogance and eventual authoritarian drift. Nigeria’s democratic journey has repeatedly shown that power is best moderated by scrutiny. However, credible opposition, in order to be effective, must also be responsible.
The recent claim by former Kaduna state governor, Nasir el-Rufai, that he got someone to bug or wiretap the telephone line of the national security adviser is deeply troubling. In a country battling
insurgency, banditry, kidnapping and separatist agitations, the suggestion that a private citizen could intercept the communications of the nation’s chief security coordinator is not something to be brushed aside as mere political banter. If the statement is true, it suggests a grave breach of national security. If it is false or exaggerated, it is reckless and damaging to public confidence in state institutions. Either way, it raises serious concerns.In the UK, for instance, intercepting communications between others without consent is illegal. If the target is a government official, the seriousness increases in practice because it may raise national security concerns, it could involve additional offences (e.g., espionage-related charges depending on intent), and the investigation would likely be handled at a higher level.
No democracy can function where sensitive security communications are casually compromised. Nor can it thrive where public figures make inflammatory claims without evidence, especially when those claims relate to national security infrastructure. Words matter. Statements made on national television carry weight. They influence public perception, investor confidence and international credibility.
I wonder why the Tinubu administration is yet to arrest him. In saner climes, el-Rufai would be in the custody of security operatives now.
I am a critic of the Tinubu administration. I also give commendations in areas where the government has done well. My article last week, titled ‘981 days later, has Tinubu fulfilled renewed hope promises? ‘ focused on the inept performance of the president, especially in addressing insecurity challenges, appointing sycophants into the government and condoning the highhandedness of public officials. I also hold the view that Nigerians are at liberty to vote Tinubu out if they feel he has performed woefully or re-elect him if they are satisfied with his performance.
I have never been in support of a one-party state, and that explains why I was saddened by the massive defection of politicians in the opposition parties, chiefly PDP and LP, into the APC. I excoriated former Delta state governor Ifeanyi Okowa, the vice-presidential candidate of the PDP in the 2023 presidential election, who ran to the APC for cover after his invitation by the EFCC.
I was overjoyed when the ADC was born last year. In my article titled ‘APC vs ADC: Let the battle begin’, I wrote, “As a student of political history, I strongly believe that any democracy without a strong, virile and credible opposition is akin to a dictatorship. A ruling party should co-exist with a vibrant opposition that offers constructive criticisms and provides an alternative for the people in any election cycle. The APC played that role very well between 2013 and 2015. With Lai Mohammed as its spokesman, it gave the then-ruling party, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), and President Goodluck Jonathan a very tough time, which eventually culminated in the party’s defeat in the 2015 general elections and the APC’s ascendancy as Nigeria’s ruling party.”
Knowing the presidency and ruling party’s penchant for crushing the opposition and stifling dissenting views, I also wrote, “It is expected that the ruling APC and its appointees will not fold their hands and allow the opposition to kick them out of office. If they have been taking Nigerians for granted, maybe this will make them change their ways and do their utmost in delivering the gains of democracy to Nigerians. I implore the federal government not to do anything to harass, intimidate or terrorise the leaders of the ADC with security or anti-graft agencies. Aregbesola left office, first as governor in 2018 and then as minister in 2023. I don’t want to hear now that the EFCC or ICPC wants to probe him or investigate any petition written by some unscrupulous elements. Any probe or arrest of the coalition leaders now will be seen as victimisation by Nigerians and may give them sympathy votes in the forthcoming general elections. ”
However, I am not in support of the irresponsible opposition, which is what el-Rufai is doing. El-Rufai is a man plagued by an entitlement mentality. His anger for leading the opposition against the Tinubu administration was simply because he was not cleared as minister. I wager that, like FCT Minister Nyesom Wike, El-Rufai will be the chief campaigner of a second term for President Tinubu if he is currently in the cabinet. Why should you overturn the table because things didn’t go your way? That is irresponsible opposition, and it should be condemned by right-thinking Nigerians. I expected APC leaders to call him to order.
Heavens will not fall if El-Rufai is arrested. He admitted on national television that bugging the line of the NSA is illegal. I just read a report that he is to be arraigned at a Federal High Court in Abuja. That is a welcome development. Anyone who sympathises with him or stages any protest in solidarity with him should also be arrested.
In writing this article, I spoke with some prominent Nigerians, and though their opinions differ, many of them believe that el-Rufai made the claim of bugging the line in order to make Ribadu look incompetent and get sacked by the president. He also wants to create the impression that the Tinubu administration is incompetent. If ordinary citizens can bug the line of the NSA, what assurance do we have that the line of the President has not been bugged too?
Lastly, el-Rufai also wrote a letter, asking the office of the national security adviser to clarify what he described as information available to opposition figures regarding the alleged procurement of a toxic chemical substance called thallium sulphate, a highly toxic, colourless and odourless compound that can kill humans in small doses. Ribadu, through his office, already replied to him, denying the allegation and asking him to supply any evidence he has to the DSS for a thorough investigation.
I am very certain el-Rufai has no evidence, just as was the case in 2003 when he alleged that two senators, the late Ibrahim Mantu, who was the then Deputy Senate President, and the late Jonathan Zwingina, then Deputy Majority Leader, both demanded a N54m bribe from him in order to facilitate his clearance as a minister after his nomination by President Olusegun Obasanjo. Zwingina said that el-Rufai experienced a clearance problem with some senators because of his alleged previous disrespect for the lawmakers, citing el-Rufai’s antecedents as the director-general of the Bureau of Public Enterprise (BPE).
The senate referred the matter to the ethics committee led by Senator Olorunimbe Mamora, a distinguished Nigerian and parliamentarian. When el-Rufai was summoned to provide evidence of the bribe, he had none. He said, ‘Allah is my witness.’ Since Allah could not be summoned as a witness, the senate cleared Mantu and Zwingina of any wrongdoing. Mantu even threatened to drag el-Rufai to court in order to clear his name, but was prevailed upon by his party, the PDP, to let it slide. I sincerely doubt if el-Rufai has any evidence to back his recent claims. We are watching as developments unfold.
Akinsuyi, former group politics editor of the Daily Independent, writes from Abuja. He can be reached at [email protected]
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