Nigeria Faces A Multifaceted Terrorism Crisis

Nigeria faces a multifaceted terrorism crisis, which remains one of the world’s most complex and deadly terrorism theaters, with over 53,000 civilian deaths since 2009 and violence escalating further in 2025. Multiple overlapping drivers; jihadist ideology, resource exploitation, ethnic militias, criminal kidnapping syndicates, political patronage, and contested international aid, intersect to perpetuate the crisis.

Driven by ideological extremism, resource competition, ethnic tensions, and economic desperation.

Muslims and Christians alike, have died from targeted political violence, with groups like Boko Haram and its splinter Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) responsible for tens of thousands of deaths, displacements (over 2 million internally), and atrocities including mass killings, abductions, and sexual violence.

The crisis spans the northeast (jihadist insurgencies), northwest/north-central (banditry and ethnic militias), and increasingly the south, fueled by porous borders, weak governance, and transnational links to groups like Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) and ISIS.

There are reported cases of Christian genocide," evidence shows targeting Christian communities in the Middle Belt, with over 52,000 Christians killed since 2009.

The Nigerian military has reclaimed territory and degraded leadership, but overstretch and human rights concerns persist.

Below, I break down the key elements, drawing on verified reports for a balanced view.

Jihadists: Ideological Insurgency and "Christian Genocides" for an Islamic Caliphate

Jihadist groups like Boko Haram (founded 2002) and ISWAP (Boko Haram splinter, ISIS-affiliated since 2015) seek to establish an Islamic caliphate across Nigeria and the Lake Chad basin, rejecting Western education ("Boko Haram" means "Western education is forbidden"wink and targeting symbols of secular authority.

Their insurgency has killed over 35,000 people since 2009, with 2025 seeing escalated attacks: ISWAP alone killed 81 villagers in Gubio (June) and 20+ soldiers in Monguno (June).

Tactics include suicide bombings, village massacres, and child recruitment; Boko Haram's 2014 Chibok abduction of 276 girls drew global attention.

Claims of "Christian genocides" stem from attacks on churches, villages, and clergy in the Christian-majority Middle Belt (e.g., Plateau, Benue states), where Fulani jihadists and Boko Haram remnants have razed communities, killing over 11,500 Christians since 2015.

Groups like Intersociety report 52,250 Christians murdered by Islamists over 14 years, often with jihadist chants like "We will destroy all Christians."

U.S. figures like Sen. Ted Cruz and President Trump have amplified this, with Trump threatening military action in 2025.

However, the Nigerian government and analysts like ACLED reject the "genocide" label, noting most victims (e.g., 34,000 moderate Muslims) are Muslim, and violence is not state-orchestrated but driven by extremists exploiting grievances.

The ICC found reasonable grounds for war crimes by both jihadists and security forces.

Local and International Mineral Resources and Land Grabbing

Terrorism in Nigeria's northeast and northwest is intertwined with resource exploitation. Illegal mining of gold, tin, and uranium in Zamfara, Borno, and Lake Chad funds groups like Boko Haram and bandits, generating millions via smuggling to UAE and Lebanon.

ISWAP taxes mining sites, while Fulani militias use attacks to seize farmland in the Middle Belt, displacing farmers and enabling "land grabbing" for grazing. A 2019 study links Boko Haram's rise to oil/gas disputes in Lake Chad, where neighbors (Chad, Niger, Cameroon) exploit resources Nigeria claims.

Alleging USAID funds armed Boko Haram and ISWAP: Allegations have surfaced that international aid exacerbates this dynamic, with U.S. Congressman Scott Perry (R-PA) claiming in a February 2025 House subcommittee hearing that USAID misdirected $697 million annually to terrorist groups worldwide, including Boko Haram, via cash shipments to madrasas and improper payments, potentially fueling arms purchases for jihadists and militias exploiting mineral sites.

Nigerian politician Adamu Garba echoed this, alleging USAID funds armed Boko Haram and ISWAP, often disguised as Fulani herdsmen, enabling resource grabs in Christian farmlands.

USAID and U.S. Ambassador Richard Mills deny these claims, stating no evidence exists of diversion to Boko Haram or Fulani-linked groups, and that strict safeguards prevent such misuse; they emphasize cooperation with Nigeria on investigations.

The allegations prompted Nigerian lawmakers to probe USAID-funded NGOs in March 2025, though the House Speaker later suspended the inquiry amid civil society backlash over lack of evidence.

Critics argue the claims, unsubstantiated by Perry, risk undermining legitimate aid for IDPs and could distract from government failures in tracking terror financing.

Economic Drivers: Bandits and jihadists steal quarry explosives for IEDs; weapons flow via AQIM routes. In 2025, 2,266 deaths from insurgents/bandits in first half, surpassing 2024 total. If Perry's allegations hold, USAID funds could indirectly bolster these networks through diverted humanitarian channels in mining hotspots.

Land Grabbing Impact: Fulani militias razed 18,000 churches and 2,200 schools; over 16M Christians displaced. This exacerbates food insecurity, as farmers abandon fields. Garba links such displacements to USAID-backed terror financing, claiming it arms Fulani attacks on Christian lands for grazing and mineral access. USAID counters that its $2.7 billion in Nigeria (2022–2024) supports counter-terrorism and refugee aid, not violence.

Ethnic Militias

Ethnic militias amplify terrorism through communal clashes, often over resources. Fulani Ethnic Militias (FEM), nomadic herders, are Nigeria's deadliest: 47% of 36,000 civilian deaths (2019–2024), vs. 11% by Boko Haram/ISWAP combined.

Labeled the 4th deadliest global terrorist group in 2014, they conduct village raids, killings, and displacements in Plateau/Benue, often with jihadist ties (e.g., to JNIM/ISGS).

Other Militias: Yan Sakai (Hausa vigilantes) counter Fulani but fuel cycles of revenge; Civilian Joint Task Force (CJTF) aids anti-Boko Haram efforts but commits abuses. In 2025, FEM killed 200 in Plateau raids.

Government Response: Refusal to designate FEM as terrorists limits intelligence/funding tracking; labeled "bandits" instead.

Terrorist Kidnappings for Money

Kidnappings generate funds (est. $18.5M in ransoms, 2011–2020) and recruits, with 2025 seeing surges: 303 students from St. Mary's Catholic School (Niger State, Nov); 25 girls in Kebbi; 38 churchgoers in Kwara (100M naira ransom demanded each). Bandits (often ex-jihadists) target schools/villages; 50 of 303 Niger students escaped, but 250+ remain. Ransom bans (2022) fail, as families pay to save lives.

Political Militias Affiliated with Terrorist Groups

Political actors exploit militias for votes, suppressing rivals or advancing agendas.

Northern groups like Arewa People's Congress (militia wing of Arewa Consultative Forum) have military/intelligence ties and are accused of bombings.

Fulani militias receive arms from politicians for "ethnic cleansing"; Boko Haram/ISWAP infiltrate bandit groups in northwest.

Newer groups like Lakurawa (2025 terrorist designation) flog locals for "un-Islamic" acts and ally with Sahel jihadists.

CJTF, government-backed, aids counter-terror but is politicized. This blurs lines, enabling impunity (e.g., no prosecutions for FEM attacks).

Pathways Forward

Nigeria's government must designate groups like FEM as terrorists, enhance military training on human rights, and address root causes (poverty, unemployment, climate-driven herder-farmer clashes).

International partners (U.S., UN) could boost aid for de-radicalization and border security, while avoiding biased narratives that inflame divisions. Without holistic action, the cycle of violence risks spreading southward, destabilizing West Africa.

Dr. Melchisedec Bankole